Author: Gavin Fitch
On January 30, 2018, the government of
British Columbia announced that it intends to further regulate oil spill
response in the province. As part of the
announcement, BC said that it may restrict the increase of diluted bitumen
transportation through the province “until the behaviour of spilled bitumen can
be better understood and there is certainty regarding the ability to adequately
mitigate spills”.
The government of Alberta reacted
swiftly. First, Premier Rachel Notley
announced that Alberta was immediately cancelling further talks with BC on the
import of electricity from that province, including from the Site C project
currently under construction on the Peace River. Following that, the Premier announced a ban
on the import of wine from BC. As well,
the Premier has publicly called on the Prime Minister to intervene in the
dispute, on the basis that BC’s actions are unconstitutional because they
trench on federal jurisdiction.
What, exactly, is going on and what does
it mean for major pipeline projects, in particular the Kinder Morgan
TransMountain project approved by the federal government in 2016?
What
did BC announce, exactly?
On one view of things (BC’s view), all
that was announced was that BC intends to consult on “proposing a second phase
of regulations to improve preparedness, response and recovery from potential
spills” (a first phase of regulations was approved in October 2017). The regulations would be made under BC’s Environmental Management Act.
The announcement, made by BC’s Minister
of Environment and Climate Change Strategy, stated that BC is “looking for
feedback” in five areas:
- Response times, to ensure timely responses following a spill;
- Geographic response plans, to ensure resources are available to support an immediate response, that take into account unique characteristics of a given sensitive area;
- Compensation for loss of public and cultural use of land, resources or public amenities in the case of spills;
- Maximizing application of regulations to marine spills; and
- Restrictions on the increase of diluted bitumen transportation until the behaviour of spilled bitumen can be better understood and there is certainty regarding the ability to adequately mitigate spills.
BC says that an independent scientific
advisory panel will be established to make recommendations to the Minister on
“if and how heavy oils can be safely transported and cleaned up, if
spilled”. Specifically, the panel will
help address the scientific uncertainties outlined in the report, The Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel:
The Behaviour and Environmental Impacts of Crude Oil Released into Aqueous
Environments. The recommendations of
the advisory panel will inform future regulatory development and approaches to
spill response.
The process to receive feedback on the
proposed regulations will feature engagement with First Nations, to begin as
soon as possible. BC says it will also
meet with industry, local governments and environmental groups “over the coming
weeks and months”. As well, the general
public will be able to provide input online through written comments, once an
“intentions paper” is released. The intentions paper will provide an overview
of the proposed regulations and is expected to be posted before the end of
February 2018.
No timeline is included as to how long BC
expects it will take to receive and consider this feedback, nor how long it
will take for the independent scientific advisory panel to make its recommendations.
The part of the announcement that has
caught everyone’s intention is this:
“In order to protect B.C.’s
environmental and economic interests while the advisory panel is proceeding,
the Province is proposing regulatory restrictions to be placed on the increase
of diluted bitumen (“dilbit”) transportation.”
This has been interpreted almost
universally as being directed at the TransMountain Pipeline Expansion (TMX), a
project that would increase the amount of diluted bitumen shipped from Alberta’s
oil sands to 890,000 barrels per day from 300,000 barrels per day. The current BC government has previously
stated that it will use every legal means possible to block the TransMountain
expansion.
Is
further review/study of spill response warranted?
While this is ultimately a policy
decision, and opinions will differ widely, it is worth remembering that the
issue of the potential for, and ability to clean up, a marine spill of bitumen
was considered and assessed by the National Energy Board (“NEB”) when it
reviewed the TMX project; it was also considered by the NEB in its review of Enbridge’s
Northern Gateway project.
As noted by the NEB in its report on TMX,
the Board completed a comprehensive environmental assessment of the Project in
accordance with its authority under the National Energy Board Act (NEB Act) and
the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, 2012. Although marine shipping is not regulated by
the Board, as part of its overall public interest determination under the NEB
Act, the Board considered the potential environmental effects of
Project-related marine shipping.
Specifically, the NEB considered the likelihood and potential
consequence of a spill from the Project or from a Project-related tanker.
The evidence before the NEB was that the
TransMountain project would result in an increase in the number of tankers
calling at the Westridge Marine Terminal in Burnaby from 5 per month to up to
34 per month. Trans Mountain said that
the Project-related increase in marine traffic within Burrard Inlet would
represent approximately 16.4 per cent of total marine traffic volume, compared
to the current 3.0 per cent. It also
said that within Juan de Fuca Strait, Project related tanker traffic would
increase to about 6.6 per cent of total marine traffic volume as compared to
the current 1.1 per cent.
The NEB examined that existing regulatory
framework for marine shipping and found that while the federal government has
constitutional authority for navigation and shipping, both the provincial and
federal governments have shared authority over the environment. The NEB stated:
“The evidence before the Board
indicates that there are competent authorities responsible for this regime and
that these jurisdictions cooperate with each other and other organizations in
facilitating the safety of marine shipping. The evidence indicates that the
regime is functioning appropriately.”
The NEB’s key findings on marine oil
spills may be summarized as follows:
“The Board is satisfied that
sufficient evidence has been placed on the record regarding the fate and
behavior of an oil spill to support assessment of potential spill-related
effects and spill response planning”.
The Board found that while the
consequences of large spills could be high, the likelihood of such events
occurring would be very low given the extent of the mitigation and safety
measures that would be implemented: “The
Board finds that there is a very low probability of a marine spill from a
Project-related tanker that may result in a significant effect (high
consequence). The Board finds this level of risk to be acceptable.”
It is obvious that many people, including
presumably the province of BC, do not agree with these findings made by the NEB
in its report on TMX. While that may be
the case, it is not fair to say that the issue of marine oil spill was not
reviewed and assessed by the NEB. In
other words, it’s not that the issue has not been reviewed and assessed by the
NEB, it’s that some people reject that assessment.
Report
of the Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel:
The Behaviour and Environmental Impacts of Crude Oil Released into
Aqueous Environments
As noted above, one of the justifications
made by BC for striking an independent scientific advisory panel is that the
panel “will help address the scientific uncertainties” outlined in the report, The Royal Society of Canada Expert Panel:
The Behaviour and Environmental Impacts of Crude Oil Released into Aqueous
Environments (“Royal Society Report”).
The Royal Society Report arose as a
result of the NEB’s review of the Northern Gateway project. In its Northern Gateway report, the NEB
ordered Enbridge to “establish a research program regarding the behavior and
cleanup (including recovery) of heavy oils spilled in freshwater and marine
aquatic environments”. In mid-2014, the
Royal Society was approached by the Canadian Energy Pipeline Association and
the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers about carrying out an
independent, arm’s length assessment of the state of the science in this area.
The Royal Society Expert Panel (“Panel”)
was composed of international experts on oil chemistry, behaviour and
toxicity. It reviewed the current
science relevant to crude oils spilled into Canadian marine waters, lakes, waterways
and wetlands. The Panel relied on
scientific literature, key reports and selected oil spill case studies,
including well-known tanker spills (e.g., the Exxon Valdez spill in 1989), the
Deepwater Horizon spill of 2010, pipeline spill ruptures and train derailments.
The Panel found that the dozens of crude
oil types transported in Canada exist along a chemical continuum, from light
oils to bitumen and heavy fuels, and the unique properties of each of these oil
types determine how readily spilled oil spreads, sinks, disperses, and impacts aquatic
organisms and what proportion ultimately degrades in the environment. Despite the importance of oil type, the Panel
concluded that the overall impact of an oil spill, including the effectiveness
of an oil spill response, depends mainly on the environment and conditions
(weather, waves, etc.) where the spill takes place and the time lost before
remedial operations.
Interestingly, the Panel also said:
The good news is that transporting oil
at sea is safer than it has ever been. According to the International Tanker
Owners Pollution Federation, large tanker spills occurred almost 14 times more
often during the 1970s on average than they do today. Undersea blowouts during
oil production and exploration are also rare (although Canadian offshore
exploration and drilling is expected to increase). Less known is how much oil
spilled from pipelines, trains and trucks reaches our lakes, rivers and
wetlands (where oil can become trapped and remain concentrated causing more
harm or creating more concern because towns and cities are nearby). However, while
big oil spills from grounded tankers, oil rigs, pipeline ruptures or train
wrecks are guaranteed newsmakers, in truth most of the oil-related chemicals
that make it into our oceans arrive from natural seepage, routine tanker
maintenance and runoff from land.
[emphasis added]
The main thing the Panel did in the
Report was to identify (many) gaps in the current state of knowledge and
recommend further research required to fill those gaps. The Panel prioritized the research into that it
believes is required within the next 5 year, 5-10 years and +10 years.
It is clear that the research proposed by
the Panel will, if undertaken, be ongoing for likely decades. A moratorium on increased shipments of
bitumen while this research is conducted would effectively mean no more
pipelines for the foreseeable future.
The
Federal Government’s Approval of TransMountain
The NEB Report on TMX was issued May
2016. Later that month, the Minister of
Natural Resources Canada, Jim Carr, named a three-member Ministerial Panel for
the proposed project. The objective of
the Ministerial Panel was to hear from Canadians and local communities and
Indigenous groups along the proposed pipeline and shipping route to hear views
that may not have been considered as part of the NEB review.
The federal government announced its
approval of TMX on November 29, 2016.
This approval was based on the 157 conditions recommended by the
NEB. In addition, approval of TMX was
tied by the federal government to its announcement, earlier in November 2016,
of a new national “Oceans Protection Plan”.
According to the federal government, its
Oceans Protection Plan will improve marine safety and responsible shipping and
protect Canada's marine environment. The
government attached a $1.5 billion price tag to this plan, which it said is
designed to achieve a world-leading marine safety system for Canada that will
increase the federal government’s capacity to prevent and improve response to
marine pollution incidents.
Again, whether you think the Ocean
Protection Plan will really make marine shipping of bitumen safer or not, it
cannot be denied that in approving TMX the issue of increased risk of oil
spills was addressed by the federal government.
The
Billion Dollar Question: Is BC’s
proposal to restrict increases in the transportation of diluted bitumen
unconstitutional?
It is beyond the scope of this post to
provide legal analysis of the constitutionality of what BC is proposing. However, we offer the following thoughts.
Under section 91 of the Constitution Act 1867, the federal
government has specific jurisdiction over:
The
regulation of trade and commerce
While this power has been interpreted
restrictively with respect to intraprovincial trade and commerce,
federal jurisdiction over interjurisdictional trade and commerce is clear. To the extent that the “pith and substance”
of BC’s proposed ban on increased bitumen transportation within the province is
to restrict imports from Alberta, it could be unconstitutional.
Navigation
and shipping
Sea
coast and inland fisheries
While the federal government has
constitutional authority for navigation and shipping and seacoasts, jurisdiction
over the environment is shared between the federal and provincial
governments. The regulations that BC is
proposing would be made under the province’s environmental jurisdiction.
In a
“Backgrounder” to its announcement, the BC government stated:
“The Province seeks to broaden
existing ministry authority to ensure provincial interests are fully addressed
in marine spill prevention, preparedness, response and recovery. While the
primary responsibility for marine spills lies with federal agencies, a spill of
any significance will impact and involve all orders of government. The
provincial government has a responsibility to ensure there is a regulatory
framework in place that protects its coastal resources.”
It seems clear
that the BC government is aware that there is a fine constitutional line
between its jurisdiction over the environment and the federal government’s
jurisdiction over navigation and shipping and seacoasts. For example, the federal power over
navigation and shipping has been held to give it the power to regulate the
discharge of oil and other harmful substances into the sea.
In addition, the federal government has
jurisdiction to make laws for the “peace, order and good government of Canada”
in relation to all matters not coming within the classes of subjects assigned
exclusively to the provinces. Finally,
under the doctrine of “paramountcy”, where there are inconsistent (conflicting)
federal and provincial laws, the federal law prevails.
Under sections 92 and 92A of the
Constitution, the provinces have jurisdiction over:
Local
works and undertakings other than ships,
railways, canals, telegraphs and other works and undertakings connecting the
province with any other or extending beyond the limits of the province—hence,
for example, the NEB’s jurisdiction over interprovincial pipelines.
Property
and civil rights in the province—this power has
been held to authorize the regulation of land use, including the regulation of
emissions that could pollute the environment.
Non-renewable
natural resources, forestry resources and electrical energy
With respect to non-renewable natural
resources, a province may make laws in relation to the export from the province
to another part of Canada of the primary production from such resources in the
province, but such laws may not authorize or provide for discrimination in
prices or in supplies exported to another part of Canada. Arguably, the logical corollary of this is
that a province may not make laws which discriminate in the supply of a
non-renewable resources imported from another part of Canada.
Conclusion
If BC’s proposed new regulations relating
to marine spill response did not include the potential restriction on increased
bitumen transportation, it is likely there would be little controversy as to
its constitutionality (notwithstanding the federal jurisdiction over marine
spills). However, it will be interesting
to see how BC justifies the constitutionality of the restriction of increased
bitumen transportation given that the transportation network is
interprovincial.
I believe the central government will follow through and build this pipeline, for financial reasons: they want (perhaps, considering Ontario and Quebec debt 'need' is more appropriate) to keep clause 36 pumping cash their way. I'm not sure if Trudeau's delay is hoping for an opportune moment or letting the situation become so embroiled he comes off as the meduator. No question the project is valid for financial reasons, including jobs for the plebs, and the environmental risk is small, comparable to earthquake in frequency but a tsunami would do magnitudes greater damage. The US backing for environmental groups is an attempt to keep the discounted oil flowing south, which makes you question whether the environmental component of these tax avoiding lobbies is all green wash. It is entirely likely Greens have threatened, yet again, to bring down the minority government, and somewhat true Horgan gains NIMBY support in voter rich areas, although it is housing costs that swung votes to the left much more than worries about a second pipeline.
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